Through DNA testing, I have recently discovered that I myself am 99.9% Korean, meaning that I have also intimately experienced and witnessed both the pain and beauty of han in myself and my community. ![]() For some individuals, they first began to witness and experience a deep sense of sadness, frustration, injustice and rage - a seed of han, a seed of intergenerational trauma. While many have spoken about the trauma passed down in other communities, han is a part of unresolved trauma that has been passed down in the Korean blood.įor some Korean Americans, han was triggered for the first time by the Atlanta shootings. ![]() Epigenetic studies have increasingly shown that trauma can be passed down through generations via DNA, meaning unresolved feelings and traumas can be carried and passed from one generation to the next. It is a word and response rooted in Korea’s history, past and present of foreign oppression and pain.įor those that may be unfamiliar with the term, intergenerational trauma is defined as trauma that gets passed down from those who experience a traumatic event this can include both collective and historical trauma of groups and communities of peoples. An intrinsic, visceral, gut feeling saturated with centuries of oppression, sorrow, anger, rage and resentment - it is the carried feelings of injustice that the Korean people and diaspora deeply feel and share. The results of the two studies indicate the importance of middle-aged and older adults in Korea who play a pivotal role in the family as caregivers for both older and younger family members.Han (한). This dissertation is significant in that it contributes to an emerging body of research on intergenerational family dynamics and the influence of family relationships on health in later life in an Asian country. In addition, the subjective health of grandparents who continuously have taken care of their grandchildren improved when they stopped caring for their grandchild. However, grandparents with a lower degree of physical pain were more likely to begin grandchild care, and grandparents who experienced increased pain over time were more likely to stop caring for their grandchildren. The main results of the second study are that the initial physical and mental health of the grandparents were different among the grandchild care classes, but there was little difference in the changes in health over time between the classes. Using growth curve modeling analysis the differences in initial physical and mental health of grandparents and changes over time were analyzed. In the second study, using latent class analysis grandparents who are the KLoSA respondents at Waves 1-5 are classified into four groups according to the transition and duration of caring for grandchildren: continuous grandchild care (labeled continuous care), initiated grandchild care (labeled started care), ended grandchild care (labeled stopped care) and did not engage in grandchild care (labeled no care). In other words, in the younger cohort, the family structure based on the oldest son status has been weakened. One notable finding is that the effect of the oldest son status on co-residence with parents in the KBB cohort varies over time. The results show that parent–child co-residence is predicted by the oldest son status, and suggests that the patriarchal family norm has been maintained. Using the Korean Longitudinal Study of Aging (KLoSA), the first study compares parent-child co-residence in the Korean War after Liberation Day (KWALD) cohort born between 19 and the Korean Baby Boomer (KBB) cohort born between 19 at Waves 1 (in 2006) and 5 (in 2014). The second study explores the association between caring for grandchildren and grandparents’ health over time. The first study investigates the changes in patriarchal kinship structure centered on the eldest son across periods and cohorts. ![]() The dissertation is comprised of two studies. This dissertation examines inter-generational families in the contemporary Korean cultural context and their connections with health and well-being.
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